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  • Millionaire matchmaking in Rawalpindi Pakistan
  • Divorced Women in Chennai
  • 10 Best Matrimonial Sites in India
  • Vidyasagar: The Brilliant Man Who Stood Up For The Women of 19th Century India
  • Millionaire matchmaking in Rawalpindi Pakistan

    Labour-intensive cultivation Ancestral crop yields I coloured the maps on wealth, marriage, and old-age support. The map templates omit disputed regions and won't let me rename Odisha and Uttarakhand.

    The other maps are not mine. Critique and comments on all other matters are very welcome. If you would rather listen than read, the podcast is available on Spotify , iTunes , and many other platforms. Just search for 'Rocking Our Priors'. Is the North more patriarchal because it's poorer? Poverty can thwart progress towards gender equality. Poor girls usually quit school early, bear many children, become burdened with care-giving, then struggle to accumulate the capital, knowledge, and networks to challenge dominant men.

    So, does poverty explain India's gender divergence? Well, some Northern states - like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar - are very poor. But expenditure is also low among North-eastern hill tribes , and yet women maintain a relatively high status, move freely in their communities, and have long been integral to shifting cultivation.

    Regardless of household income, a woman is less likely to have been to school if she lives in the North i. Nowadays the North does not perform badly on literacy. Female education is improving in the North. We might expect more skilled women to gain economic autonomy, expand their networks, broaden their horizons, demonstrate their equal competence in socially valued domains, support elderly parents, and become valued as providers. That's certainly what happened in patrilineal China and Taiwan, but not in India.

    Regardless of their qualifications, rural women tend to retreat from the labour force when their families are economically secure, especially in the North.

    Rural women gain status by not having to work. So, counter-intuitively, women in wealthier families have LESS physical and economic autonomy. India's gender divergence in sex ratios, employment, and autonomy is clearly not a function of wealth.

    Rather, local gender norms mediate responses to economic growth. Did colonialism's impact on gender vary geographically? Inheritance rights Some argue that colonialism compounded patriarchy by enabling Brahmin elites to codify Hindu law, which was then upheld by upper caste judges, and had the net effect of curtailing female inheritance.

    Before colonialism , disputes had been settled by local village or caste councils. Shastric prescriptions - concerning marriage, divorce, and inheritance - were not necessarily practised by tribal communities or lower castes. Medieval temple inscriptions in Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka suggest that women occasionally gifted land.

    This implies female ownership. But, as Bina Agarwal notes, wealthy women's pious acts could have just been a special category, exempt from patrilineal strictures. As she concludes, t here is very little evidence to suggest Hindu women typically owned and controlled immovable property , before colonialism.

    Brahmin interpretations of scripture varied geographically. In the Bengal Presidency, they cemented Dayabhaga law permitting widows' inheritance ; in Madras and Bombay, it was Mitakshara proscribing widows' inheritance.

    These regional differences long predate the Raj. The colonial codification of Mitakshara could have worsened women's inheritance rights in the South. But, that cannot explain why women now have more autonomy in the South. Progressive reforms Women's bodies became a battleground during colonialism. British imperialists cast themselves as saviours, Indian liberals like Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Sarojini Naidu sought social reform but under their control , while conservatives wanted to protect traditions from external attacks.

    Female education was increasingly championed by educated, middle-class Indian nationalists. It symbolised respectability and refinement, without jeopardising women's place in the home. Learned men published numerous critiques of polygamy, child marriage, and purdah.

    The All India Women's Conference, Pune, In the late nineteenth century, Indian liberals and women's o rganisations campaigned for social reform. The Central Legislative Assembly passed emancipatory laws: prohibiting sati, child marriage, female infanticide; raising the age of consent; and allowing widow remarriage.

    These issues were all debated - irrespective of imperialism. Feminist critique and mobilisation were strongest in places that were already more gender-equal. In Tamil Nadu, women joined the Dravidian movement , and debated important social reforms.

    Participants at the first Self-Respect conference held near Madras in demanded equal property rights for men and women. Their second conference pushed for female employment in the army and police. Women first won the right to be elected in Madras Bengali women agitated for the right to vote that year, but were defeated on the grounds this would extend suffrage to prostitutes.

    Women also joined the revolutionary struggle for sovereignty. Turnout was far higher in Bombay than Bengal. Again, feminist mobilisation were strongest in places that were already more gender-equal. Caste The caste system influences gender relations in three important ways: Upper-caste purity and prestige has been preserved through female seclusion, prohibiting polluting sexual access - as highlighted by Uma Chakravarti.

    Upwardly mobile families gain status by following suit: curbing women's independent mobility and pursuit of new economic opportunities. Though there is considerable jati-level variation. Compliance is motivated by fears of social sanction. Men preserve their honour izzat in Urdu by policing female kin, for rumours of misconduct would soil the family name.

    Caste panchayat s assemblies of older men are extremely powerful in rural areas, overseeing women's sexuality and reproduction - as detailed by Prem Chowdhry. If a woman rejects her arranged marriage, the caste panchayat may severely fine her family or even outcaste them: prohibiting future marriages, cutting off their social networks, and sources of mutual insurance.

    An entire lineage may be alienated and expelled from the village because of one daughter's misdeeds. This heightens the costs of non-compliance and forestalls exposure to alternatives.

    Together with rural isolation, social policing limits exposure to more egalitarian alternatives. Upper caste men's political and economic dominance enables impunity for sexual violence against Dalit women - most recently in Uttar Pradesh. Genetic data indicates that caste endogamy is truly ancient. This suggest that women's sexuality and reproduction have been strictly policed by tightly-knite caste groups for millennia. The Vysya in Andhra Pradesh for example have been marrying within their caste, allowing no genetic mixing into their group, for over two thousand years.

    The Vysya have lived in close proximity to other castes, yet nonetheless maintained strict social isolation. This reflects a wider trend. Indian women's sexuality and reproduction has been policed by caste-based kin groups for millennia That said, colonialism may have affected gender relations by enriching upper castes and compounding inequalities.

    Could this be the source of India's gender divergence? Banerjee and Iyer have attempted to categorise distinct judicial and administrative systems. In some parts of India, the British delegated authority to zamindars landlords. Ever since the Mughals, the zamindar s served as intermediaries: collecting revenue; controlling watchmen, police, and courts. In other parts of India, the British sought to increase colonial coffers by taxing individuals directly or by vesting land rights in a group of villagers.

    Banerjee and Iyer find that in formerly zamindari areas, there is less spending on public goods in independent India. But their schema is contested. I n practice, there seems to have been significant intra-regional variation.

    And with a more fine-grained, village-level analysis, these effects can disappear. Colonialism does appear to have impaired governance in other ways though: Weaker state capacity under colonialism is associated with fewer public goods today.

    D irect colonial rule seems to have worsened outcomes. Areas formerly under native control have more schools, health centres, and roads in the postcolonial period. T he British also increased caste-inequalities in areas under their control: by granting property rights to landlords; reifying and ranking castes; as well as installing bureaucracies dominated by upper castes. Brahmins monopolised the highest offices in the Madras Presidency just as they had served in the upper echelons of the Mughal regimes.

    But these corrosive colonial governance regimes do not correlate with India's gender divergence. Female literacy was highest across t he South, notwithstanding differing degrees of imperialism. In sum, there is very little evidence that colonialism contributed to India's gender divergence: Even if elites entrenched patriarchal interpretations of scripture in Bombay and Madras, Southern women are still more autonomous than compatriots in Bengal; Mobilisation and implementation of progressive reforms was strongest in areas that were already more gender equal; Direct colonial rule may have worsened caste-based inequalities, but this is not correlated with contemporary gender relations; Even if Native rule improved public goods provision, such as schools and clinics, access is mediated by pre-existing gender hierarchies circumscribing women's independent mobility.

    And where daughters are disposable, sonograms are just used to select male progeny. Clearly we need to go further back. Matriliny helps, but can't explain regional divergence A few Indian communities are matrilineal: Khasis and Garos in the North-easterly hills; Nairs and Bunts on the South-westerly coast.

    Men govern, but women remain relatively autonomous. They may move freely in their communities , enjoy pre-marital sexual freedoms, marry later, more easily divorce , and often live in their natal village.

    With fewer strictures on their movements, Nair girls rushed to school and married later. Kerala led the way in female literacy. But matrilineal communities are a minority and cannot explain India's regional divergence. In Tamil Nadu, Telangana, and Andhra Pradesh women report even greater freedom of movement and labour force participation despite being patrilineal.

    Has cousin marriage advanced gender equality in the South? Many South Indians idealise cross-cousin marriage. Southern women are more likely to be surrounded and supported by natal family. By contrast, Northern women marry outsiders, to become vulnerable strangers in their husband's village - argued Dyson and Moore, in a famous paper with over two thousand citations.

    Divorced Women in Chennai

    Advertisement Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar was a legendary educationist, a Sanskrit scholar and a social reformer who not only changed the Bengali alphabet and type but also challenged Hindu orthodoxy by playing a pivotal role in passing the Widow Remarriage Act.

    Standing tall against the conservative power centres of Hindu society, Vidyasagar was a man who was way ahead of his times. In light of the desecration of his statue, it is time to remind ourselves about this visionary of modern Indian history. Born on 26 September into a poor Brahmin family in Birsing village of Midnapore district, West Bengal, Ishwar Chandra Bandyopadhyay was only six-years-old when he was sent to be educated in Kolkata. He lived in the house of a family friend Bhagabat Charan in the Burrabazar area.

    He was no ordinary student, passing each exam with flying colours, while also finding a way to support himself financially as a tutor for kids in another wealthy household.

    With limited means, he continued his education at the Sanskrit College of Kolkata, where he studied for 12 years. He then picked up a law degree and went on to join Fort William College as the head of their Sanskrit Department. After five years, in , Vidyasagar joined the Sanskrit College as principal.

    Here, he opened up admissions to students from other castes, besides Brahmin and Vaidya. Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar. He was also part of a larger social movement called the Bengal Renaissance, in the footsteps of another social reformer, Raja Ram Mohan Roy.

    It was in that Vidyasagar began his campaign for widow remarriage. The 19th century was a particularly terrible time for women, especially for pre-pubescent girls from poor families, who were forced into marriages with older men. Once their husbands died, they had to spend the rest of their lives wearing white saris, give up all material comforts and live a stigmatised and isolated existence. Seeing this unprogressive practice play out before his own eyes, Vidyasagar was determined to stamp it out.

    In , he began writing against the practice for Tattvabodhini Patrika, a progressive journal. Although support for his campaign came from influential figures like the Maharaja of Bardhaman Mahtabchand Bahadur, a lot of back lash came from powerful conservative groups within Hindu society.

    However, his sustained efforts, alongside fellow social reformers finally resulted in the passing of the Widow Remarriage Act on 26 July Despite their success in passing a law, the real challenge was getting society to accept widow remarriage. Ishwar Chandra took the challenge and performed the first widow remarriage in Kolkata on 7 December on his own dime.

    For Ishwar Chandra, who sought to abolish child marriage, this series of events came as a blow. By the time Vidyasagar attacked the practice of polygamy among high-caste Hindus in the s, the revolt of had created an unbridgeable chasm between Indians and their colonial masters. A similar fate awaited his battle against child marriage. Disillusioned by the lack of tangible public support, he spent the last two decades with the Santhal tribes in present-day Jharkhand.

    There, he opened the first school for tribal girls. The scholar passed away on 29 July What Vidyasagar did so well is to advance the cause of reform while remaining true to an ancient intellectual spirit.

    His legacy lives on, particularly in West Bengal. Today, his name is attached to a university, a bridge and even a hall in IIT Kharagpur. More than anything else, however, his real legacy lies in the fact that his ideas remain relevant today. Edited by Shruti Singhal Like this story? Or have something to share? Write to us: contact thebetterindia. Advertisement For latest positive news and stories on unsung heroes, impact, innovation, inspiration, and more, visit The Better India.

    By using the power of constructive journalism, we want to change India — one story at a time. If you read us, like us and want this positive news movement to grow, then do consider supporting us via the following buttons:.

    It was in that Vidyasagar began his campaign for widow remarriage. The 19th century was a particularly terrible time for women, especially for pre-pubescent girls from poor families, who were forced into marriages with older men. Once their husbands died, they had to spend the rest of their lives wearing white saris, give up all material comforts and live a stigmatised and isolated existence. Seeing this unprogressive practice play out before his own eyes, Vidyasagar was determined to stamp it out.

    Inhe began writing against the practice for Tattvabodhini Patrika, a progressive journal. Although support for his campaign came from influential figures like the Maharaja of Bardhaman Mahtabchand Bahadur, a lot of back lash came from powerful conservative groups within Hindu society.

    However, his sustained efforts, alongside fellow social reformers finally resulted in the passing of the Widow Remarriage Act on 26 July Despite their success in passing a law, the real challenge was getting society to accept widow remarriage. Ishwar Chandra took the challenge and performed the first widow remarriage in Kolkata on 7 December on his own dime.

    For Ishwar Chandra, who sought to abolish child marriage, this series of events came as a blow. By the time Vidyasagar attacked the practice of polygamy among high-caste Hindus in the s, the revolt of had created an unbridgeable chasm between Indians and their colonial masters.

    A similar fate awaited his battle against child marriage. Not bread but honour, is what they want. Rather than address specific instances of caste violence, both Ambedkar and Periyar believed that it was much more important to destroy the ideology that not only perpetuates such violence but, more importantly, prevents the formation of a fraternity that is critical to any democratising project.

    Such everyday practices are much more critical to reproducing caste hierarchies. We also know that despite Phule, Ambedkar, Periyar and the long line of anti-caste crusaders starting from the Buddha, Brahmins continue to hold a much larger share of positions in the higher bureaucracy, judiciary and the media. It is only in the legislative domain that there has been a shift towards the backward castes and, to a lesser extent, to the Dalits.

    The question clearly therefore is: Where does this need to vilify Periyar and celebrate Ambedkar as a national icon come from?

    It also has to do with the fact that upholding Ambedkar is essential as it allows them access to a vote bank whereas Periyar offers them no such political capital.

    The other question is: Why now? Is it because there is an emerging coalition of the servile classes in Tamil Nadu that is worrying those who are in power?

    10 Best Matrimonial Sites in India

    I believe that the answer is yes. Only the caste-blind can afford to not see the growth of the Brahmin-Baniya alliance under the present Hindutva regime.

    Since both Ambedkar and Periyar have consistently pointed to the dominance of this alliance, it is understandable that the beneficiaries of this regime feel threatened. This was the case with Malayalis as well, whose dignity Krishnan so zealously wants to guard. It was M. But the courage to make such experiments on human beings is not shown even by the so-called modern scientist of today.

    If some human cross-breeding is seen today it is the result not of scientific experiments but of carnal lust.

    Now let us see the experiments our ancestors made in this sphere. In an effort to better the human species through cross-breeding the Namboodri Brahamanas of the North were settled in Kerala and a rule was laid down that the eldest son of a Namboodri family could marry only the daughter of Vaishya, Kshatriya or Shudra communities of Kerala. Another still more courageous rule was that the first offspring of a married woman of any class must be fathered by a Namboodri Brahmanan and then she could beget children by her husband.

    Today this experiment will be called adultery but it was not so, as it was limited to the first child. Golwalkar, Organizer, January 2,p. In one of his discourses, he argued that since the Manusmriti is the basic source of Hindu law, it should form the cornerstone of the ideal Hindu state.

    There was no question of any amendment to such rule. They advised the Dalits to not trouble themselves to enter Hindu temples but be content with building their own, separate, temples. If they still desired to visit the great temples, they should do so only after cleansing their bodies thoroughly.

    It is high time these intellectuals put their own house in order. Fallacious contentions It does not, however, mean that Periyar and his legacy need not be problematised. At the same time, a necessary pre-condition for this is that he must not be decontextualised. Inconstruction began on the Technion Institute of Technology, a Jewish technical school that was to later become one of Israel's top universities, although studies did not begin until The Jews of Haifa also founded numerous factories and cultural institutions.

    Haifa was captured from the Ottomans in September by Indian horsemen of the British Army armed with spears and swords who overran Ottoman positions. The British made preparations to enter the city and came under fire in the Balad al-Sheikh district today Nesher.

    After the British regrouped, an elite unit of Indian horsemen were sent to attack the Turkish positions on the flanks and overrun their artillery guns on Mount Carmel. Under the British MandateHaifa saw large-scale development and became an industrial port city.

    Vidyasagar: The Brilliant Man Who Stood Up For The Women of 19th Century India

    The port was a major source of income, and the nearby Jewish towns of the Krayot were established in the s. At the same time, the Arab population also swelled by an influx of migrants, coming mainly from surrounding villages as well as the Syrian Hauran. By the time of the census of Palestinethis had increased to 20, Muslims, 13, Christians, 15, Jews, and others. Haifa's development owed much to British plans to make it a central port and hub for Middle-East crude oil.

    The British Government of Palestine developed the port and built refineries, thereby facilitating the rapid development of the city as a center for the country's heavy industries. Haifa was also among the first towns to be fully electrified. The Palestine Electric Company inaugurated the Haifa Electrical Power Station already inopening the door to considerable industrialization.

    Arab protests over that decision evolved into violence between Jews and Arabs that left several dozen people dead during December. The local Arab national committee tried to stabilize the situation by organizing garrison, calming the frightened residents and to stop the flight. In a public statement, the national committee called upon the Arab residents to obey orders, be alert, keep calm, and added: "Keep away the cowards who wish to flee.

    Expell them from your lines. Despise them, because they harm more than the enemy". Despite the efforts, Arab residents abandoned the streets which bordered Jewish neighborhoods and during the days of the general strike instigated by the Arab Higher Committee, some Arab families abandoned the Khalisa neighborhood.

    On 30 Decembermembers of the Irguna Jewish underground militia, threw bombs into a crowd of Arabs outside the gates of the Consolidated Refineries in Haifa, killing six and injuring In response Arab employees of the company killed 39 Jewish employees in what became known as the Haifa Oil Refinery massacre. British forces in Haifa redeployed on 21 Aprilwithdrawing from most of the city while still maintaining control over the port facilities. According to The Economist at the time, only 5,—6, of the city's 62, Arabs remained there by 2 October Contemporaneous sources emphasized the Jewish leadership's attempt to stop the Arab exodus from the city and the Arab leadership as a motivating factor in the refugees' flight.

    According to the British district superintendent of police, "Every effort is being made by the Jews to persuade the Arab populace to stay and carry on with their normal lives, to get their shops and business open and to be assured that their lives and interests will be safe. By withdrawing Arab workers their leaders hoped to paralyze Haifa.

    Benny Morris said Haifa's Arabs left due to a combination of Zionist threats and encouragement to do so by Arab leaders. Ina master plan was created for transportation and the future architectural layout. Tel Aviv gained in status, while Haifa suffered a decline in the role as regional capital.

    The opening of Ashdod as a port exacerbated this. Tourism shrank when the Israeli Ministry of Tourism placed emphasis on developing Tiberias as a tourist centre. Many of Wadi Salib's historic Ottoman buildings have now been demolished, and in the s a major section of the Old City was razed to make way for a new municipal center. From toseveral Palestinian suicide attacks took place in Haifa in Maxim and Matza restaurants, bus 37and otherskilling 68 civilians. InHaifa was hit by 93 Hezbollah rockets during the Second Lebanon Warkilling 11 civilians and leading to half of the city's population fleeing at the end of the first week of the war.

    Haifa is Israel's third-largest city, consisting ofhouseholds, [4] or a population ofBetween andthe city had a declining and aging population compared to Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, as young people moved to the center of the country for education and jobs, while young families migrated to bedroom communities in the suburbs.

    However, as a result of new projects and improving infrastructure, the city managed to reverse its population decline, reducing emigration while attracting more internal migration into the city. Inpositive net immigration into the city was shown for the first time in 15 years. A development plan approved in seeks to raise Haifa's population toresidents by The population is heterogeneous.

    Haifa is the center of liberal Arabic-speaking culture, as it was under British colonial rule. The Arabic-speaking neighborhoods, which are mixed Muslim and Christian, are in the lowlands near the sea, while Jewish neighborhoods are at higher elevation. An active Arab cultural life has developed in the 21st century.

    For the most part these valleys are undeveloped natural corridors that run up through the city from the coast to the top of the mountain. Marked hiking paths traverse these areas and they provide habitat for wildlife such as wild boar, golden jackalhyraxEgyptian mongooseowls and chameleons.

    By late May, the temperature has warmed up considerably to herald warm summer days. Humidity tends to be high all year round, and rain usually occurs between September and May. Haifa has developed in tiers, from the lower to the upper city on the Carmel. The oldest neighborhood in modern Haifa is Wadi Salib, the Old City center near the port, which has been bisected by a major road and razed in part to make way for government buildings. In the 19th century, under Ottoman rule, the German Colony was built, providing the first model of urban planning in Haifa.

    Some of the buildings have been restored and the colony has turned into destiny diaz big center of Haifa nightlife.


    Rich widow for marriage in tamilnadu